SEPTEMBER 2012 UPDATE ON KANDHAMAL

At last, a token of hope amid injustice

But Christians still face an uphill struggle

By John Dayal

New Delhi: 

In the continuing gloom of injustice, broken promises and misadministration in Kandhamal, the birth of the new parish of Pakari has come as a token of hope and light for a Christian community still living with the memory of brutal attacks in December 2007 and August 2008 and with the ensuing “structural violence”.

The two young priests in charge of the parish, Fr. Bimal Nayak and Fr. Cassian Pradhan, a Panos Dalit and a Kondh tribal, are hopeful that it will invigorate the almost 5,000-member local church. They hope that in a few years, they will see the birth of another parish in the remote region of Orissa.

The church building is still just a design on a piece of paper, broadly resembling the church in Brahminigaon, which is getting the finishing touches on reconstruction after its destruction on Christmas Eve, 2007. The new parish will have a hostel and perhaps even a school, as well as the presbytery for the parish priest and his assistant, and a few rooms for visiting bishops and clergy.

One school may not be enough to challenge the success of the Sangh Parivar in spreading its hate ideology to the young.

Surveys by several groups, including mine, the All India Christian Council, reveal a massive effort by the Hindu nationalists to penetrate every village in the region. By this summer, the Sangh had set up an estimated 500 “Shishu mandirs,” or formal schools, and as many as 500 additional “Ekal vidyalayas,” or one-teacher schools, in remote villages.

Neither the government nor the church comes anywhere close to these numbers.

Observers have also noted changes in the tactics of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh, the main cadre of the Hindutva Parivar in the villages. The presence of Maoists in Darringbadi and other blocks has made the Sangh focus on areas where the Maoists are absent, or present only in small numbers. No major attacks have been reported this summer against Christians.

But the absence of violence brings little joy for much of the Christian community. In interviews and affidavits, residents speak of extreme economic hardship, particularly in remote areas, because of a lack of employment and ongoing economic boycotts of Christians.

In the villages of Tikabali, Adasapanda and Mujhlimandi, Christians are not being employed as labor in the fields or in the local markets.

Worse, many Christian men and women have been kept out of the government-run Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, which is supposed to provide 100 days a year of paid employment on official projects such as roads, bridges and water conservation works.

Government agencies are still harassing tribal Christians, forcing them to get a recommendation from the political outfit Kui Samaj when they come to get their “caste certificates” which are needed for scholarships, jobs and other “benefits” from the state and union governments. This is of course illegal, but the practice goes on despite Christian activists and lawyers notifying the District Collector.

There is also no government initiative as yet to give land to the landless tribals.

The cumulative impact of these situations is the migration of tribals and Dalits first to Phulbani, the district capital, and Baliguda, the only two major towns in the district, and then out of Kandhamal and even out of Orissa.

Recent surveys have confirmed that as many as 10,000 of the 56,000 people impacted by the violence have not returned to their homes in the villages.

With the justice process in the two fast-track courts showing no progress, Christian groups have once again petitioned the Supreme Court for re-investigation of the murders committed during the August 2008 violence. There have been just two convictions in more than 30 cases accepted by the government, after a death toll of more than 90. The Supreme Court is expected to take up the writ soon.

In another major initiative, the National Human Rights Commission is being approached by victims and their representatives who are seeking a comprehensive justice and rehabilitation package such as the ones victims of the anti-Sikh violence of 1984 and anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002 won after interventions by the Supreme Court and the National Human Rights Commission.

The comprehensive application points out that thousands of children continue to be without education, and men and women without jobs. Both individuals and the church have been denied adequate compensation for the destruction of property during the riots, because of deficiencies in government surveys and irrational systems of calculating the loss.

Christian activists have taken great heart from the recent Supreme Court judgment holding two BJP politicians guilty of murders in Gujarat’s Naroda Patiya area, and NHRC decisions in similar cases.

This has been reflected in the mass rallies that have been held in Phulbani and Bhubaneswar on August 25. Police gave permission at the last moment for Christians to mark the fourth anniversary of the violence. Berhampur Bishop Sarath spoke to about 4,000 people about the need for justice and rehabilitation.

The RSS held its own rally on August 23 to commemorate the murder, by Maoists, of Vishwa Hindu Parishad vice president Lakshmanananda Saraswati. Several hundred RSS activists shouted slogans asking for the arrest of the “real” murderers of Saraswati. Seven Kandhamal Christians have been rotting in jail for four years as suspects, their bail applications routinely denied by the courts.

[First published in Ucan News, 12 September 2012, New Delhi]

Let we forget

LEST WE FORGET

In its annual report for 2008, India’s Ministry for Home Affairs recorded that the country had witnessed a high incidence of communal violence --- as many as 943 communal incidents, mainly against Muslims and Christians, took place in which 167 persons were killed and 2,354 persons were injured. The figures were up from those of 2007, when there were 761 incidents in which 99 persons were killed and 2,227 persons were injured.

Some details:

ORISSA

14 (of 30) Districts hit

315 Villages destroyed

4,640 Houses burnt [State government earlier estimates 4,215]

54,000 Homeless initially

20,000 People still living as Internally Displaced Persons

1,500 People still in Government run camps / enclaves

120 People murdered [Estimated, but not officially acknowledged]

7 Priests/ Pastors killed

10 Fathers/Pastors/Nuns injured

3 Rapes confirmed [One of Nun]

252 Churches destroyed [estimated by State government]

13 Schools, colleges destroyed

827 cases have been registered

6 persons convicted

4 Cases in which all accused acquitted

Registered

2. KARNATAKA

8 (of 29) Districts affected

33 Churches attacked update again

53 Christians injured in attacks, including Nuns assaulted by state police.

[This does not include incidents of violence and persecution witnessed in Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Kerala, Andhra, Chhattisgarh, Delhi and many other States in 2008-09]

The reality of Kandhamal – One year on, the crisis of State continues

Our Lord teaches us not to hate. We do not hate our enemies.

But Fear is real, specially in Orissa’s Kandhamal district.

It is not just Kandhamal, or indeed Orissa. Unfortunately, circumstances in India are such that the religious minorities and the marginalised groups, the Dalits and others, have to live under the shadow of fear, of violence and domination, hate and official impunity, always looking over the shoulder for the next threat. Priests in forest parishes, pastors in villages, evangelists in distant rural areas, and social activists live under a very real and very dark shadow of fear.

In Kandhamal a year after that dreadful day of 24^th August 2008, the situation remains terrible. We know for a fact that perhaps as many as 20,000 [of the 50,000 who were rendered homeless when almost 5,000 houses were torched by Hindutva mobs] remain internally displaced persons, living as refugees or beggars in other towns of Orissa and in nearby states, some even in Mumbai and New Delhi. Some live in Christian ghettos created by the government which could not protect them in their home villages.

We know that so called fast track courts of the Orissa government have set free known killers because the police did not prepare a sound case and because the state failed to protect witnesses who were threatened and who could not give evidence. We know that government has reneged in its promise of financial relief and rehabilitation of widows and other victims of the violence. We also know to our deep regret how even so called judicial commissions headed by retired High Court judges have tried to pin blame on Christians citing conversions as the main cause of violence without even trying to identify the perpetrators of murderous violence.

The threat is potent enough for many Christians to prefer to live in government refugee camps in ghastly conditions because the killers roam scot free in their home villages while the police look on. All this has been documented by the international media, and by noted Indian Christian investigative reporters such as Anto Akkara and Vishal Arora. Independent scholars Professor Angana Chatterji of California, and Prof Manoranjan Mohanty and Advocate Vrinda Grover, both of New Delhi have documented this. Even the National Minorities Commission has commented on it. And of course the Church and its Human Rights activists continue to raise the issue with the National and State governments. The uneasy peace is maintained by armed police whose energies have however been diverted to cope with Maoist militant activity in this region and other states.

The main threat continues to be from Hindutva elements who have tasted blood and who have prospered and flourished under official patronage. Many of them are now joining the ruling party, the Biju Janata Dal. The police and administration is also heavily infiltrated by these elements. The lack of a witness programme and the involvement of crucial police officers prevent real investigation and ensure s a miscarriage of justice. We await superior court judgments to petitions that these criminal cases be tried outside Kandhamal and outside Orissa so that witness protection programmes can be put into place. .Official impunity, the tacit support to Hindutva, and increasing polarisation do not augur well for religious minorities.

But this is our homeland, and we will remain, even if the struggle for justice has to continue indefinitely. It is the state’s duty to end violence, a duty it must carry out. We are before the Supreme Court for this, as also before the President of India. We also know that the international human rights community is watching India.

For the Christians of Orissa, and of Kandhamal in particular, there is the strength of faith which prevents the fear from becoming a routing or crippling paralysis. Even in the darkest hour of violence in Orissa a year ago, the people refused to abandon their faith, and that is where they conquered fear of that sort.

As for reconciliation, most of us have been working for reconciliation and peace. Not reconciliation as a compromise, or as a sign of defeat; not reconciliation as surrender; but reconciliation born out of forgiveness and underpinned by justice ensured by the state. Murderers and killers, who did the violence out of ideologies of hate and mischief, need to be punished, but communities need to get over the suspicion and hate and come together once more.

Time is ripe for genuine reconciliation in Orissa and elsewhere.

Page four

Demands and Recommendations which the government must implement in Orissa:

i. Investigate the forcible conversion of Christians to Hinduism, and prosecute perpetrators under the provisions of the Indian Penal Code;

ii. Ensure that (with reference to the ruling of the Supreme Court in Writ Petitions) police unfailingly assist victims of violence to submit FIRs.

iii. There must be a Witness Protection Programme put into immediate operation giving serious consideration to the need for a suitable atmosphere for victims and witnesses to testify, in order to expedite prosecutions and convictions;

iv. Investigate reports of police officers failing to register cases or showing complicity in attacks, and bring prosecutions against offending officers;

v. Supply a substantial number of investigating officers and public prosecutors, and implement fast-track courts in at least four locations in Kandhamal district.

vi. Request that the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) carry out an investigation into the assassination of Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Lakhmanananda Saraswati and the subsequent anti-Christian violence from 24^th August 2008, paying specific attention to the root causes of this violence, including the propagation of anti-Christian hatred;

vii. The Government should take measures to carry out an extensive research with the view to rehabilitating the victims of violence, make the recommendations public, and implement them without loss of time.

viii. Provide education to displaced children

ix. Provide further compensation for those who have been affected by the violence, including covering the loss of crops, livestock and employment, and assess required levels of compensation on a case-by-case basis through certified independent evaluators;

x. Undertake to follow the recommendations of the National Commission for Minorities in September 2008 on the establishment of Peace Committees, and further to take measures to ensure that all communities are adequately represented within such Peace Committees, to enable these to promote reconciliation and inter-communal understanding with integrity;

xi. Establish a State Commission for Minorities (in the model of its national counterpart) and ensure that members of the commission are appointed by transparent and non-partisan procedures;

xii. Repeal the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act, 1967.